Peace process

Slow pace of the ongoing Naga peace talk has angered many. While some are voicing concerns that delay in finding an amicable solution to this vexed problem may make peace more elusive in the North-Eastern region, others are alleging that talks have already been derailed and time wasting strategy has been adopted by both sides as a saving grace. But in their hurry to see an end to the decades-old Naga problem, these observers are overlooking some of the major gains the ongoing peace
process has achieved so far. For example, Sovereignty issue is no longer a stumbling block between the two sides. Though there are differences over some portion of the common minimum programme (CMP) of the UPA Government at the Centre, it has not affected the ongoing peace process.

Considering the complexity of the Naga problem, it's little bit too much too expect a solution of the problem within a stipulated time frame. Thus, Oscar Fernandes, Minister of State for Statistics and Programme Implementation and a member of the three-member ministerial committee formed by the Centre to hold discussion with the NSCN (IM) leaders, was right when he pointed out that "I don't think we will be able to resolve the issue in a day but efforts will be on to find a solution." The genesis of the Naga problem is that from the very beginning the Nagas maintained that Nagalnd is a separate country from India,
historically, culturally and geographically, with an undeniable right to be recognised as politically independent. The Nagas claim they had declared themselves independent on August 14, 1947, a day prior to India's Independence. Earlier, on February 20, 1947, Naga National Council (NNC) sent a memorandum to Lord Mountbatten, the then viceroy of India, requesting His Majesty's Government for setting up of an interim government for the Naga people for a period of ten years, at the end of
which the Naga people would be left to choose any form of government under which to live.

In response to Naga demand, Jawaharlal Nehru remarked "I consider freedom very precious. I am sure that the Nagas are as free as I am bound by all sorts of laws the Nagas are not to the same extent bound by such laws and are governed by their customary laws and usages. But the Independence the Nagas are after is something quite different from individual or group freedom. In the present context of affairs both in India and in the world, it is impossible to consider even for a moment,
such as absurd demand for Independence of the Nagas. It is doubtful whether the Nagas realise the consequences of what they are asking for. For their present demand would ruin them." Three accords (Hydari Agreement in 1947, Sixteen-point agreement in 1960, Shillong Accord in 1975) and a ceasefire period of three years (1964 to 1967) had failed to bridge the gap.

While the Centre had maintained that it was always willing to solve this problem through negotiations, the Nagas showed no inclination to a negotiated settlement alleging lack of sincerity on the part of Government of India. The Nagas even accused that oppressive policies of Indian Government had forced them to take up arms, though the Naga leaders were committed to follow the path of non-violence at the behest of Mahatma Gandhi. On its part, the Centre charged that though it was mutually decided to review the Hydari Agreement after ten years, the Nagas backed out of the promise and took up guns. Solution to this vexed problem became more elusive when split took place within NNC which was spearheading the movement of an independent Nagaland and National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed. The NSCN again suffered a split after couple of years and NSCN (Khaplang) was formed. At that point a negotiated settlement of this vexed issue seemed out of question as all the groups claimed to be the sole representative of the Naga people.

But a wise and timely decision by the Narasimha Rao government in early nineties set the peace process rolling once again. Without being too much bothered about which Naga underground group is the true representative of the Naga people and respecting the popular wish, the Centre decided to hold talks with the undergrounds without any pre-condition. To which the NSCN (IM) responded and formal ceasefire between the Centre and the Naga underground group came into force in August 1997. Since then, the peace process has gone through many ups and downs. But credit should be given to both the sides for showing enough maturity to keep the dream of an amicable solution through negotiations of this vexed issue alive.

NSCN (IM) general secretary T. Muivah had already expressed that the outfit would do its best to find a peaceful solution to the decades-old problem. Going a step further, NSCN (IM) chairman Issak Swu promised to reciprocate the measures taken by the Centre aiming at peace. Mr. Muivah further emphasised that while the NSCN (IM) understood the difficulties of Government of India and the Government too should understand its difficulties. "This kind of understanding would help to arrive at an honourable agreement on all outstanding issues," he stressed. And here lies the most significant gain of the ongoing peace process. Mistrust and bitterness, which dominated the Indo-Naga relations for long, no longer exists now. Enmity since been replaced with mutual trust and believes. Disappearance of hostility from the scene has provided the ongoing peace process much needed impetus.

But the job is not over yet. There are hurdles to be crossed. Attempts to reach to a final solution without removing such hurdles may prove to be fatal as far as the peace process is concerned. A beginning, after years of unrest, has been made and it's a good one indeed. It is now time to consolidate the gains achieved by the ongoing peace process without be bothered about the time it takes to reach to the final destination.

A lasting peace is a possibility but a lot of ground work remains to be done by both the government and the NSCN. The latter has the responsibility to take all the Nagas with them at this historic juncture. Courageous initiatives are necessary to shed the baggages of the past. It would require magnanimity and breadth of vision on the part of NSCN leaders not to let divisions of the past hinder their progress. Are they ready, as true democrats, for such an inclusive venture for the sake of 'Nagas'? The government must also be willing to take a wider political view rather than getting caught in bureaucratic twists and turns. Everyone waits - more so the Nagas for an end to the cycle of violence that has robbed a generation of Naga people the right to live a life of peace and harmony.

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