When the candidates of major political parties for the Assembly elections were being targeted in Manipur, the proscribed United National Liberation Front (UNLF) in its defence came out with a statement claiming that it had nothing to do with the election process. The UNLF remarked that the election was an exercise carried out by the Government of India to eliminate the right of self-determination by the people of Manipur. The banned organisation further stated that the election was being held in Manipur under the garb of democracy to legalise India’s occupation. In UNLF’s view taking part in the election was akin to mortgaging ‘our right to self determination’ by another five years for a few crore and that the election was also an extension of permission to the security forces of the government to terrorise the people of the State.

It would have been better if the underground organisations active in the North-East region have really practised, what they preached. Because, not only in the latest round of Assembly elections in Manipur, but during every election the insurgent outfits have tried to influence the poll process using terror tactits. Be it the NSCN (IM) of Nagaland or the ULFA of Assam, each and every underground outfit of the region adopted terror tactics to suppress the people’s voice and wishes.

Starting from the boycott call of the first general elections given by a section of Nagas, no elections in this region was free and fair as the underground groups on some pretext or other had always tried to create disturbances in all manner possible. The ultras of the North-East use to be so pro-active during the elections that this time even before the election was announced, former Union minister T. Chaoba Singh, who is also the president of the Manipur State Congress Party (MSCP) had to appeal to the ultras not to interfere with the poll process and allow the people’s wishes to prevail. But the incidents following the appeal clearly showed that though they talk about right of self- determination, the underground activists of the North-East have no respect for democratic values.

The ULFA leaders may vehemently deny, but the fact remains that during the 1991 Assembly elections in Assam, the underground outfit assured Congress leader Hiteshwar Saikia that the outfit would not target him during campaigning. It also promised to remain neutral during the poll process. In other words, the ULFA indirectly supported the Congress against the AGP, paving way for the party’s smooth return to power after a gap of five years. But the Congress-ULFA comarederie did not last long. As soon as the ruling party was forced to take steps to check subversive activities carried out by the underground group, the ULFA changed side.

In the 1996 elections, the ULFA clandestinely campaigned for the AGP candidates and ensured the defeats of the Congress in many constituencies. Notwithstanding his victory, senior Congress leader Bijay Krishna Handique was found fuming over his victory margin after the elections. Defeating Mr. Handique on his home turf at Jorhat was near impossible task. But the gun-toting ULFA cadres almost made it possible by using terror tactics in the region.

ULFA’s game plan was simple. By supporting two major political parties in two different elections, the banned organisation tried to extract its share of pound of flesh, so that its cadres could go on terrorising the people in the name of freedom struggle. But when this trick failed to work on both occasions, the ULFA adopted another method. The organisation issued boycott call during the general elections of 1997 and 1999. And what a befitting reply the organisation got. People in large numbers came out to participate in the election process defying the boycott call and overcoming the fear psychosis unleashed by the outlawed outfit. It’s heartening to note that after getting such a strong rebuff from the people, the ULFA, as an organisation, did not try to resort to the same trick during 2001 Assembly elections, although its cadres tried to show their influence in some pockets.

More than the electorate of the State, the Congress in Nagaland should be thankful to the NSCN (IM) cadres for coming to power in 1998. For reasons best known to its leadership, the NSCN (IM) gave the call to boycott the elections on the pretext that before the solution of the vexed Naga problem, no elections would take place in the State and the Congress returned to the power almost unopposed. The NSCN (IM) not only issued the boycott call, but its cadres ensured that no one should file nominations. Though the Congress candidates managed to file nomination with heavy security bandobast, candidates of other political parties did not participate in the election process for fear of lives.

What is perplexing that the NSCN (IM) gave the boycott call notwithstanding the fact that by that time, the Centre and the NSCN (IM) reached to an understanding and ceasefire between the two was declared. Two prime ministers --- P. V. Narasimha Rao and H. D. Deve Gowda --- also met the top NSCN (IM) leadership in quest of peace in this trouble-torn State. Many felt that to show what kind of popular support it enjoys in Nagaland, the organisation would put some candidates of its choice. But by taking such a hard step of boycotting the elections and not allowing others to contest, the NSCN (IM) proved that it was no different from other underground organisations.

NSCN (IM)’s arch rival NSCN (K) later came out with its own version of the entire episode. The NSCN (K) claimed that the Issac-Muivah faction had given the boycott call at the behest of Nagaland Chief Minister S. C. Jamir and to remain out of the election process, the underground outfit received more than Rs. 10 crore from the Congress. To establish the fact, the NSCN (K) pointed out that a secret meeting between S. C. Jamir and NSCN (IM) activist V. Atem took place before the elections. While Mr. Jamir admitted meeting Atem, he denied the charge of paying any money to the NSCN (IM) to ensure the victory of the Congress.

It is a common knowledge in Manipur that the underground outfits active in the State step up their activities during elections for money. The people know that huge amount of money transaction use to take place before every elections. T. Chaoba Singh claimed that his party office was burnt down when he refused to pay money to the ultras. Many other candidates, who suffered at the hands of the militants during elections, narrated the same version in private. They refuse to come out in open for fear of more attacks on them if they tell the truth.

There is no denying that some politicians of this region enjoy a nexus with the underground forces, which comes handy during elections. The allegation against S. C. Jamir is not an isolated one. Many other politicians in the region face the same charge. Both the politicians and the ultras do not mind earning a bad name or diluting the fight against the genuine grievances of the people, as long as it serves their purpose.

Amidst such acts of self-interests, lost are the wishes of the people. As elections in this part of the country were never free from terror, popular wishes were hardly ever reflected in the poll outcome. The wishes of the people to join the mainstream have always been gagged by the ultras and their political godfathers. The recent Manipur Assembly election is no exception. At a time, when the people are trying to get rid of political instability, terror-mongers and powerbrokers may once again succeed to present another spell of political uncertainty.

Boost to Gogoi

Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi’s announcement at a felicitation function organised  by the State Pradesh Congress Committee on Wednesday that he would finally go ahead with the much-awaited expansion of his ministry in March next must have brought cheers to many aspiring Congress legislators waiting to occupy a ministerial gaddi at Dispur. Infact, expansion of the 17-member Gogoi ministry was on the cards, after the landslide victory of the ruling Congress at the Panchayat polls held in November last year. Credit must be given to Sri Gogoi for being able to keep his flock waiting for over six months and at the same time making his partymen work hard to achieve success in the Panchayat hustings. The Chief Minister’s intelligent move to link  the performance of the party in the Panchayat polls as a criterion  for reward of ministerial posts was a shrewd political tactic on his part. From the reports emanating from Delhi on the Sonia-Gogoi deliberations on the State ministry expansion, it is observed that the Congress high command has adopted a cautious approach on the issue, being particularly concerned about the party’s image in the State in the coming days. With the Congress trying to make a comeback in the national political map of the country, the party under Sonia Gandhi has been trying its best to remove the negative image of the party in the minds of the people. As such the party whether in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka or Assam where it is in power is trying  its best to project a clean, efficient image  to woo the people. This has come as a big boost to Sri Gogoi in the State as it  has helped to cut down to size many of his rivals  in the party leadership, besides sending a clear-cut message to the Congressmen that their days of making a fast buck in the name of the party is over.

 Significantly, Gogoi in his speech at the felicitation function made it abundantly clear to his partymen that the concept of making ‘easy money’ without hard work would not be tolerated. The people of Assam will look forward in the coming days to assess how far the Chief Minister is successful in translating into action this novel concept. In a way, the Chief Minister has indirectly hinted that corruption and irregularities would not be tolerated by his government. Looking back one would say that the prevailing culture of ‘easy money’ is at the root of many of the ills that afflict the State today. The popularity of the ULFA at one stage, the rise of the SULFA, the ill-gotten fortunes of many a politician, bureaucrat, businessman and contractor were due to such ‘easy money’. Making all these vested sections of people to work for their money would indeed be a Herculean task, but not impossible if the Chief Minister displays the political will to set things right. If the head is in the right place, the body will follow. As such Sri Gogoi as the leader of the State must show the way with example and precept  in all walks of life. He must inspire his colleagues and partymen to work for the people and the State. We congratulate Sri Gogoi for the honour bestowed  on him  by the India Today poll but at the same time would like to caution him that he has yet to go many miles till he could rest on his laurels. We hope that in Gogoi we may yet find the leader the people of Assam has been looking for over a century to lead the people forward.

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