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Guest Column      Vol. 1 Issue No. 3     Jan.7 - 21, 2002

Brachin: Again a simmering ‘concept’
Brachin, more a political than social concept, was raised in mid ’80s.

Sandeep Banerjee

The old concept of ‘Brachin’ has again started brewing up slowly. The Indo-Myanmar border areas are a confluence ground of many ethnic tribes. Quite similar to each other, most of these tribes are seeking right to self-determination, which has in turn given rise to insurgency. The Nagas inhabiting India and Myanmar are known to be playing a crucial role in militant activities. Other North Eastern outfits like the ULFA are also known to have made forays into Myanmar for contacts and arms. In order to contain this run of insurgency on the Indo-Myanmar border, the concept of a ‘Brachin’ state comprising ethnic tribes the Brahmaputra and the Chindwin valley was conceived. Brachin was a concept of brotherhood among minority ethnic groups which had reached its crest by mid ’80s. The underground groups in the North-East face the need for network. Brachin was more a political than social concept. The different groups were basically in the same situation. This juxtaposition called for unity and a common call of rejection against mainstream or mainland India.

The rise in strength of the NSCN (IM) was slowly viewed as a potential threat by the other North Eastern outfits. It may be recalled that some of the outfits like the ULFA, DHD, UPDS, Dragon Toru, Peoples Liberation Army (PLA), Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF), the Achik National Volunteer, the NSCN (K) along with the Chin Liberation Army of Myanmar had loosely formed a front called the United Liberation Front of Seven Sisters (ULFSS) to thwart the expansionist designs of the NSCN (I-M). This feeling of threat was more embedded when the Central Government decided to give much respect to NSCN (IM)’s demands and the Naga ceasefire without territorial limits was announced earlier this year. The ULFA had outrightly described it as a conspiracy to divide the people of the North East. While the NSCN (IM) is hollering for ‘Nagalim’, the anti-Naga ceasefire movement has a number of secessionist forces in Manipur as well as Myanmar.
It is interesting to note that more than half of the Nagas live in Myanmar.

The years of Naga ceasefire have intensified the struggle and conflicts between groups in the North East and Myanmar. In the North-East, the struggle between the Nagas and the Meities has turned worse. Nagas feel that they can trust the Meities no more. The ceasefire has brought the Kukis closer to the Meities even as the former is fighting for a separate state. The resurfacing of  the concept of Brachin at this time may have larger implications. This concept apart from passifying the divergent forces at work in the region, can act as a counter balance to the Chinese influence in Myanmar. Economy wise, the Chinese presence at the door of the North-East, may have great benefits as well as significant socio-cultural implications.
It is recently learnt that India and Myanmar have begun exchanging intelligence on militant outfits in the border areas of the two countries. Apart from NE outfits having camps in the border tracts of Myanmar, some Myanmarese outfits like Chin National Army, the Chin Federal Army and the Kachin Independence Army also have hideouts in Mizo jungles. Based on Indian intelligence, the Myanmar army is known to have busted some camps set up by UNLF

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