Chinu Gupta

First, the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) rejected the 'safe passage' offer made by the Assam Governor and the Chief Minister. And now, attempt on Nagaland Chief Minister S. C. Jamir's life by the Isac-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM). These two incidents clearly indicate that the North-Easterners should not wish any respite from violent activities even in the new millennium.

It is really confounding why the militants active in this region, who never cease to accuse the Centre of lacking in sincerity in solving region's problems, always prove a stumbling block to any sincere peace efforts? Does it mean that they want the unrest to linger on in the North-East? Would it not be construed that the undergrounds of the North-East believe that solutions to their problems could only come through the power of guns and not by negotiations?

As a matter of fact, the time was ripe to put an end to the unnecessary bloodshed in the North-Eastern region. Since mid-90s, there have been some crucial changes in the policy of the Central Government for dealing with the insurgents active in the region. During Rao Government's tenure, the Centre had decided to hold talks with the militants without any pre-condition. That was a marked change itself. Because earlier the Centre always used insisted that talks with the undergrounds would be held within the framework of the Indian Constitution. By making this major departure in its policy, the then Central Government clearly showed its sincerity in dealing with the problem.

How crucial was the change in the policy can be judged from the fact that following the decision the then prime minister Narasimha Rao met the NSCN (IM) leaders outside the country and prepared the grounds for an amicable solution to the vexed Naga problem through negotiations. The good work done by Mr. Rao was carried on by his predecessor H. D. Deve Gowda. Mr. Deve Gowda too met the NSCN (IM) leaders and subsequently a ceasefire agreement was reached.

Similar kind of offer was made to other insurgent groups also. But in their own wisdom, the ULFA and other such militant organisations like National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT), National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), etc. spurned the peace offer. Among the insurgent groups, the ULFA took an amazing stand. In response to the offer of unconditional talks, the banned organisation insisted that negotiations should take place outside the country and it would only discuss the issue of sovereignty. It seemed that the ULFA leaders failed to understand the meaning of 'talks without any pre-condition'.

Besides, realising the operational difficulties in observing ceasefire with one particular group in faction-ridden Nagaland, the Centre declared unilateral ceasefire with the Khaplang faction of the NSCN and other underground groups active there. And the NSCN (K) reciprocated the gesture in a ghastly way by killing nine Armymen.

Despite facing such reversals in its effort to bring back peace in this trouble-torn region, the Centre continued with its policy of negotiating a solution to the problem. The NSCN (IM), in the meantime, raised trivial issues like Mr. Vajpayee not keeping the promises made by his predecessors for holding talks outside the country and tried to prove that the Centre was as insincere as ever. But mature handling of all such issues by the Centre did not allow them to drift much.

On the other hand, the ULFA and other organisations continued their subversive activities. Twice, these organisations blew up the railway track. The ULFA also made an unseccessful life attempt on Assam CM Prafulla Kumar Mahanta.

Not very far away from Assam, in Nagaland, both the NSCN factions, taking advantage of the ceasefire, indulged in large-scale fratricidal killings despite the call from the Naga people to to settle the issue once and for all amicably through negotiations. The Naga Hoho, the apex body of various Naga tribes, and various NGOs made repeated appeals to the warring underground factions to cease hostility and unite. A group formed by the NGOs even met the leaders of both the factions and tried to clear the deck for Naga unification.

But the response by the NSCN (IM) to all these appeals was horrifying. In his first visit to the country in nearly two decades, T. Muivah ruled out any possibility of unification and strongly claimed that his faction was the true representative of the Naga people. This statement of T. Muivah dashed all hopes of an solution of the Naga problem. As it was conclusively realised after the fate of the Shillong Accord, that until all the Naga underground factions come together, a proper solution of this problem will always elude.

And then came the ULFA refusal of the 'safe passege' offer by saying "the ULFA cadres do not require any permission from anybody to visit their family members" in an anonymous editor's note in the organisation's mouthpiece 'Freedom'. The editorial further alleged that the 'Governor was acting at the behest of the Central Government to bring in Hindutva in the State' and urged the people of the State to foil all such attempts.

Since then, it was only a matter of time till the insurgents strike again. Moreover, they became shaky after the whole of North-East stood firmly behind the Central Government during the Kargil conflict. As the North-Easterners are bringing pressures on the underground groups to shun violence, the militants tried to reassert their supremacy by spreading fear psychosis in league with the foreign agencies like Pakistani ISI.

The recently concluded general elections invited a united poll boycott call from the militant outfits. But the people of the region defied the call and participated in the electoral process in large numbers. The undergrounds did everything possible to keep the voters away. They killed a BJP candidate in Dhubri, snatched large number of arms from the security personnel in Manipur. Yet, in ultimate analysis, they stand as losers as the people unequivocally expressed their favour for peace and democracy.